第8章第72条の採用まで、連邦共和国のソビエト連邦からの離脱の自由は残っていた。 この自由は、ソ連の解体につながるため、実際に行使されることはなく、この規定は1930年代末までにほとんど廃止された。(2/2)
This question could not be answered even by Romanov, now General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
The \"Soviet people\" were not a homogeneous mass. While many of the citizens of the republics may have been of similar ancestry and spoke a common language, it was not enough to make them truly a unit. Rather, the \"Soviet people\" were a collection of nations and cultures that had been brought together by common conquest and totalitarian rule. As such, there were significant differences in the living standards and material conditions of the people.
More importantly, the Soviet Union had an inherent weakness for historical reasons.
Because Lenin was not a nationalist, the Soviet Constitution provided for the freedom of the Union Republics to secede from the Soviet Union; although this provision was not removed under Stalin, the Union Republics had their own flags, emblems, and national anthems.
From the original Soviet Constitution to the adoption of the Soviet Constitution in 1977, Chapter VIII, Article 72 retained the freedom of secession of the Union Republics from the USSR.
This freedom was never actually exercised, as it would have resulted in the dissolution of the USSR, and this clause had been effectively repealed to a large degree by the late 1930\u0027s.
Worse, this decree makes Romanov now feel threatened in the face of separatist and ethnic conflicts in the constituent states. In Central Asia, the Central Asian constituent states are influenced by extreme religious beliefs. In the Caucasus, separatist sentiment was high, especially in the ethnic conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and Romanov did not hesitate to break out into war immediately if the Soviet Union broke up. In the Baltic States, where anti-Soviet and nationalist sentiments were most serious, Romanov simply did not believe in the loyalty of the Baltic populations and could only gradually ease restrictions and develop Leningrad, incorporating the Baltic States into the Leningrad economic sphere.
But the decree of the right to secede from the Soviet Union has always made Romanov squirm for he knows in his heart that the only guarantee of the loyalty of the people is the iron fist of government and that the people are never free as long as they are not deprived of their basic liberties.
In a totalitarian system, there is no true loyalty only fear and duty.
It\u0027s a question of power.Romanov faced all this with only two options, to follow the path of national chauvinism or to adhere to Leninism and wait for the dissolution of the state.
Romanov knew that the Soviet Union would either have to transform into a unitary state and have a dominant nation. Either the ideology and values of the state had to be kept superior to those of the republics. There was no other way to solve this, the Soviet Union did not have time to shape the concept of a Soviet nation now, and the nationalities were unlikely to accept this.
Or the Soviet Union had to dissolve and give up the pursuit of superpower status. Although it might seem a radical step to relinquish such dreams, given the tremendous sacrifices made by so many, the nation had little choice. One day, the United States of America would reach its zenith, or it would fall, and who knew when that might be?
In any case, the nation had to be ready for when that day came.
In addition, the privileges of Soviet bureaucrats had to be taken into account...Soviet bureaucrats did not have any privileges, and apart from allowances, the Soviet bureaucracy could only profit from public spending and smuggling. The positions were not hereditary and once retired, they had to live on their pensions, not to mention preventing accusations of corruption and lifestyle problems.
In any case, the alternative to a totalitarian system was national chauvinism and that was a road the Party could not travel down. Nationalism meant war, and war meant loss. Nationalism was the opiate of the masses, and the Party could not be the equivalent of the masses.
Thinking of all this, Romanov was disgusted to the core with Khrushchev, who had turned the Soviet Communist Party into a universal party model leading to the rapid corruption and degradation of the Soviet Communist Party. Now, Romanov also could not expel 20 million of the Soviet Communist Party members who were not strong-willed in one breath.
Now if the Soviet Union cannot solve the problem of economic growth to meet the growing cultural and material needs of the population, it is bound to make the people suspicious and fall into confusion, which can easily be influenced by propaganda offensives. At the same time, he has no doubt that Soviet bureaucrats would immediately want the Soviet Union to fully embrace capitalism once they are free from repression; because otherwise they would not be able to privatize and swallow up state-owned enterprises and make their assets hereditary family businesses like capitalist countries do.
It is quite likely that the Soviet Union would actually have several imperialist conflicts. The major reason being the increasing hostility between republics, the first secretaries are not happy with each other and want more power.
Romanov he laid the map of the Soviet political zone flat on his desk.
His hands trembled slightly, he was very tired. The stress of the decisions that were to come were taking a toll on his body.He picked up a pen and drew a red circle on a region on the map, which is the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region, currently under the Azerbaijan Soviet Republic, settled by Armenia since the second century A.D. and included in the Azerbaijan Soviet in 1923.
Then he drew a narrow green line running from the Ararat Mountains in Armenia to the Caspian Sea.
That\u0027s when he decided. He had no choice anymore.He had to make Nagorno-Karabakh the first autonomous oblast under the Soviet Central Committee.
The reason for this decision was the safety and future security of the entire country, and more importantly all the Armenians living there.
First, it gradually strengthened the power of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union by abolishing the ethnic identification of identity cards and civil registries; then it changed the first level of administrative divisions, downgraded the republics to autonomous republics and created several larger federal republics; finally, it abolished Article 72 of the Constitution on the freedom to secede from the Soviet Union, and then gradually abolished the federal republics.
The process was not without its problems. It created a mass influx of non-ethnic Russians, who came from the republics that were abolished, into the autonomous oblast. This led to a massive crackdown on internal security and a high level of tension between the new Russians and the native population.
However, Romanov ran out of time. He could only do this, and the easiest to achieve is of course the most populous ethnic group shaped into the main ethnic group, assuming that the highest population is Chechens or Caucasians, he will support Chechens or Caucasians to become the main ethnic group.
In addition to this, it would be best to eliminate the problem which republics the Russians are migrating from and arriving in. It\u0027ll force them either to stay or to resettle in a particular region.
First focus on the Russification of the three Baltic states, doing so through ID cards eliminating ethnicity with the continued promotion of the Russian language, immigration and intermarriage, and finally reducing the three Baltic states, Belarus, Ukraine and Russia to autonomous republics with the creation of Slavic Soviet Union republics. Similarly, the three Caucasus countries were restored as Caucasian Soviet republics.
This work could have been implemented in 1986, now that Romanov\u0027s massive anti-corruption and purge of reformists had left Soviet cadres and the Politburo discontented and fearful, and Romanov did not want to be ousted by a coup like Khrushchev.
At the same time, Romanov\u0027s cessation of foreign aid and his demand that countries pay their debts also affected international relations and was criticized within the party.
The Warsaw Pact\u0027s defense cuts and troop withdrawals from foreign countries meant that the pact was no longer a credible threat to the West.
Reagan\u0027s supply side economic policies generated high growth rates and record revenue increases.
In contrast to the United States, there are grievances against Romanov within the Soviet army and party, and Romanov is likely to step down in a few years if he does not resolve the grievances. At the same time, he needs to transform the economy and construct a national military-industrial chain to seize the arms production field, carry out a scientific and technological revolution and solve the food problem.
The personality of each leader is different, andtheir respective nations will experience different types of foreign and internal policies. After all, the world situation is different.
Boom boom!
\"Come in.\"
His new assistant, Viktor Arkadyevich Tyurkin, knocked on the door and said, \"Comrade General Secretary, Comrade Troyanovsky, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, has arrived.\"
\"Good, I\u0027ll go and see him.\"
Viktor Arkadyevich Tyurkin, who was nominated by Kosolapov to Romanov for the post of assistant, was a Leningrad native who worked at the Leningrad Party School before being recommended by Kosolapov. At the same time, was a staunch communist and anti-revisionist.
He knew he was getting old for the young man and would restore the only term of office he favored in Khrushchev\u0027s policy but not the rotation system, which Romanov planned to hand over to the young man after fifteen years of rule until 2000. If, that is, he would stick to faith and loyalty.
Romanov shook Troyanovsky\u0027s hand and said, \"Comrade Oleg. How are you?\"
\"Well, thank you. And yourself? \"
\"Oh, I\u0027m fine,\" laughed Romanov. \"Please sit down, I am seeing you this time to discuss Soviet foreign policy.\"
\"Yes, yes, of course,\" said Troyanovsky.
\"Good, good,\" said Romanov, taking a seat as well.
Romanov said seriously: \"First of all, I would like to talk about the problem of agriculture, which is also our weakness, the poor conditions of agricultural production; permafrost, short sunshine hours, short frost-free period. Grain production fluctuates too much every year, reaching more than 200 million tons in good years and only 140 million in bad years; minus 100 million of grain for livestock, we have to export resources for foreign exchange to import 44 million tons of grain every year to satisfy 270 million people. Now the Soviet economic growth is stagnating, the United States, together with Saudi Arabia and other countries, is constantly lowering the price of oil to combat us, while energy accounts for a disproportionately large share of the export structure. These are all hidden dangers.\"
\"I see,\" said Troyanovsky.
\"What would you do, comrade?\"
Troyanovsky said seriously:\"I am in charge of diplomacy, economic issues are not my specialty, Comrade General Secretary.\"
Romanov nodded and said, \"That\u0027s precisely why I\u0027m saying this. The WFP and the Institute of Genetics are trying to solve the problems of agriculture, which must continue to import in the short term, but we must not waste too much of our precious foreign exchange reserves and at the same time prevent dependence on imports of agricultural products from the capitalist camp. 15 August is the anniversary of the victory in the anti-fascist war in Asia, and I hope that Comrade Troyanovsky will go to Beijing as foreign minister to ease relations and deepen trade with Deng Xiaoping, and if necessary It is possible to express joint development of disputed territories on the border. The diplomatic service should aim to renew the Sino-Soviet friendship treaty with China.\"
\"Yes, of course,\" said Troyanovsky.
\"This is just one of the issues we must think about while you are here,\" said Romanov.
Troyanovsky\u0027s face is a mask of seriousness. He says, \"Thank you, comrade, and I had a meeting scheduled in half an hour. I have time.\"
\"Yes,\" says Romanov. \"Let\u0027s discuss it then.\"
Troyanovsky looks at his watch. The room is silent. Finally, he says, \"I have to get back to the capital, but I want to talk about foreign policy.\"
\"Go on.\"
\"We have to make an alliance with the PLO,\" says Troyanovsky.
There is silence again.
\"We can use them,\" says Romanov quietly. \"They would help.\"
\"Yes.\"
\"Libya and Syria and Iraq should also continue to deepen their friendship and cooperation to establish close trade relations, and it would be better to get them to join the ECC. Any more questions?\"
\"There are none.\"
\"Very well,\" says Romanov.\"And that is, is there any pro-Soviet candidate in China who can replace Deng Xiaoping?\"
\"I don\u0027t know,\" says Troyanovsky.
\"You have to know something,\" says Romanov angrily. \"We need someone who can get our resources to market quickly and cheaply.\"
\"Okay.\"
\"Let me know when you find the right person, Comrade Troyanovsky, which is necessary in order to prevent China from continuing the path of bureaucratic capitalist reform. The KGB will be responsible for planning the assassination of Deng Xiaoping to return China to conservative control and, of course, we cannot allow it to return to the extreme line of Mao.\"
\"No, that would be a problem,\" says the foreign minister.
\"Good,\" says Romanov. \"We need to have a meeting to plan the rest of the details.\"
\"OK.\"
After Troyanovsky left, Romanov returned to his office and fell into thought. Leaving behind the Chinese revisionists who have abandoned the world revolution and aid, Romanov\u0027s thoughts returned to the issue of foreign exchange reserves, although the Soviet ruble once arrived at 0.9 to the dollar, but since the entry into the eighties to 1985 the official exchange rate to 0.7 dollar to the rubles, which in the black market ruble to be further devalued.
Romanov began to see that it was getting more difficult to have sufficient foreign exchange reserves to pay for essential imports.
He could only plan to try to recover Soviet loans from the international community, while cutting foreign aid and stopping free aid to allies in favor of paid mutual aid. In particular, the Warsaw Pact member states should try to integrate economically, turning them into a part of the Soviet industrial chain to help produce light industry, electronics, and other industries, and also try free migration within the Iron Curtain, open visas, and use a common currency.
In the meantime, he would have to ask the World Bank or IMF for a loan. The trick would be to find a way to refuse without causing a diplomatic incident.
In the meantime, he will have to apply to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade for membership. The trick is to find a way to reject it without causing a diplomatic incident. Unfortunately, the US was not stupid enough to let the Soviet Union join.
Romanov could only get Kosolapov and the intellectuals and professors bought by the financial subsidies to launch a propaganda campaign about how Soviet membership in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade would choose a market economy and move toward the free world, and it is not clear how much of that propaganda would be believed in the United States. Of course, Romanov also adopted the same ruthless approach to intellectuals as Yeltsin did in history, directly almost cutting off the subsidies and fees of schools and writers; except for those intellectuals who will always support and can fight, Romanov does not intend to let them continue to live the Brezhnev period when they can get money for giving lectures, writing novels and cursing the Soviet Union, so go sell books on the street.
What? Someone protested? Kosolapov said: Pravda has always maintained that truth comes out of debate. Let the writers and the professors call each other names in the newspaper.
What? Someone wants to emigrate to the United States? Yes, just pay all your free education tuition, health care, housing maintenance and living expenses in the USSR.
What? Someone who supports the Afghan mujahideen in their firm opposition to the Soviet evil empire? Kosolapov said: support the Afghan religious elements to show understanding, immediately send this writer to Afghanistan with the guerrillas.
What? Someone made up a political joke about the General Secretary? Romanov said: I like to read them, too.
By the way, send the rumor-monger to a Siberian psychiatric hospital.
Obviously, the General Secretary just raised his monthly salary from 800 rubles to 1200 rubles, do you think that living in a small dacha and driving a Muscovite car is called corruption? How does this make the richest 1% of the US face their own dollars in billions, owning more than 20% of the total wealth of the US.